Since Hannah Spencer’s spectacular by-election win in Gorton and Denton, the Green Party has continued to cause a major political headache for Keir Starmer. In a poll of major pollsters, they find themselves neck-on-neck with Labour on 16%; on May 7th,  they’re expected to take control of local councils across the country (including up to four in the capital); and businesses are becoming increasingly aware of the party’s influence on the court of public opinion.

Amidst this success, Zack Polanski (a name that now needs no introduction – but if you did miss the memo, we explore it in more depth here) is beginning to professionalise his offer. Earlier this week he announced that he would be launching an overhaul of the Greens policies, aimed at weeding out the policies that many communications professionals would describe as failing the ‘Daily Mail test’. Those headed for the compost bin could include proposals to abolish the monarchy, to outlaw private landlords or reduce the motorway speed limit to 55mph. Party officials have also said there is scope to ‘refine’ other more controversial elements of their policy platform, such as the party’s stance on NATO withdrawal.

These policies are the product of the Greens’ one-member, one-vote policy development system (albeit when the party had fewer than 20,000 members). As such, this is a significant shift. Their grassroots-led policy process has long been a source of Green Party identity. For many amongst the party’s now 226,000 members, this will be seen as a necessary evolution. But a proportion of the membership (particularly those who predate Polanski) will likely see this as a betrayal of the party’s central principles.

The parallels with Tony Blair’s decision to rewrite Clause IV in 1995 are hard to ignore. Then, as now, a party seeking power chose to distance itself from longstanding ideological commitments to broaden its electoral appeal. Blair’s move symbolised Labour’s transformation into a modern, electable force. Polanski now seems to be attempting something similar.

Polanski’s Greens have made no secret of the scale of their ambition. They genuinely intend to replace Labour as the party of the British left in the same way Reform intends to replace the Conservatives.  Even if that’s a stretch, it is perfectly conceivable that a minority Labour Government will depend on Green and Liberal Democrat MPs to govern after 2029 – just as Plaid Cymru may need to do so after 7 May in Wales. To meet any of these aims will no doubt require significant structural and cultural changes in the way the party operates. 

Polanski has already spearheaded a revolution in how the party communicates, while the launch of the green-leaning, economics-focused Verdant think tank - led by former Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell adviser James Meadway - signals a more disciplined approach to economic policy, and for communications professionals a way of engaging with Green Party thinking. This latest move could represent a further step a shift towards a more streamlined and potentially more centralised model of policymaking.

For the past few months, corporate affairs directors up and down the country have been asking themselves, “What the hell do we do about the Greens?” Historically, the party has (quite deliberately) lacked clear mechanisms for engagement with business. But – as the removal of Clause IV once showed – political ambition can reshape long-held principles.

Polanski’s policy overhaul is an early signal that this kind of shift may be underway.

If the party wants to accelerate the pace of the energy transition, for example, it will inevitably need to engage with developers, manufacturers and supply chain to understand how to translate this ambition into reality. If it wishes to make the case for public ownership, it must surely need to understand how these industries are run in practice.

As the Greens grow, so too will the range of voices shaping the party’s direction. Corporate affairs directors understand the complexity of navigating the diversity of stakeholder views and opinions all too well.

In an increasingly professionalising Green Party, many of those stakeholders will be arguing that its approach to business engagement will need to place a greater premium on credibility and real-world understanding, particularly if the party is to position itself as a viable opposition to Labour, or indeed Reform. A reality Polanski will no doubt be aware of.

Is Green Party engagement climbing up your risk register? Our public affairs team is here to help. Reach out to publicaffairs@cardewgroup.com